<> "The repository administrator has not yet configured an RDF license."^^ . <> . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand"^^ . "The portrayal of Muslim middle class in three Southeast Asian\r\ncountries, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand, provides a topical\r\nissue to address in the last decade. The three countries come up\r\nwith their own distinct political context which gives way to diverse\r\ndynamics for the growth of the middle class. It is always interesting\r\nto take a closer look at the dynamics of the rising Muslim middle\r\nclass in the three countries amidst the crisis-crossing politics of\r\nthe regime and the development of market economy. What does\r\nthe religious expression in the public sphere look like? This is the\r\nprimary focus of our research entitled “Trajectory of Middle Class\r\nMuslim in Southeast Asia: Religious Expression in the Public Sphere\r\nof Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand”.\r\nThe first-hand field research and literary analysis have given\r\nway to countless noteworthy findings in the research, be it about\r\nthe dynamics of the Muslim middle class in Indonesia, Malaysia,\r\nor Thailand. Following the national reform movement in 1998,\r\nthere were innumerable Indonesian Muslims who decided to plunge\r\ninto politics which marked a new era of democratization giving\r\nrise to a widely more opened window for political and economic\r\nopportunities than that of the previous era. Reform politics unlocked\r\nthe political arena for the new middle class of Muslims, both at the\r\nregional and national levels which is significantly marked by two\r\npatterns. The first, common pattern is to have the businessman\r\nentering the political field, engaging in electoral democracy and\r\nestablishing political affiliation with religious organizations, before\r\nbeing elected as public officials. The social capital attached to them\r\nas a businessman is combined with the political capital leading to\r\nthe business rapid growth. The second pattern is there are some\r\nbusinessmen who build up their business from the bottom, whether they are of purely business background or a religious preacher\r\nwho then build a business line as a new entrepreneur. Commonly\r\nthe second group is not dependent on the state as they manage\r\nthemselves to come to the fore by exploiting the growing urban\r\nmiddle class who have modern lifestyle demands and adaptive with\r\nthe development of information technology like smartphones. With\r\nregard to these two patterns, the religious expression of middle\r\nclass Muslim is also characterized by the dynamics of electoral\r\npolitics that always drag the Muslim identity politics in the political\r\nprocess, as in the case of the Jakarta elections. In addition, it is also\r\ncharacterized by a glamorous modern lifestyle, sharia lifestyle and\r\nthe like.\r\nUnlike that of Indonesia, in Malaysia the middle class Muslims\r\nthrive and prosper in line with state policy. Starting from the socioeconomic\r\ngap between the Malay and the Malay Chinese leading\r\nto the outbreak of ethnic riots on May 13, 1969, the Malaysian\r\ngovernment made political reforms by issuing an affirmative policy\r\nin favor of the Malays. Such affirmative policies are New Economic\r\nPolicy (NEP) and Second Malaysia Plan (1971-1975) which was\r\nrealized by establishing The Bumiputera Investment Foundation\r\n(BIF), primarily aims to strengthen national capital among the\r\nMalays. The industrial policy also strengthens Bumiputera’s access\r\nin the state industry by establishing the Industrial co-ordination\r\nact (ICA) and the establishment of the Bumiputera commercial\r\nand Industry community (BCIC). Meanwhile, to prepare the\r\nMalay human resources in state industrial policy, the government\r\nformed MARA Institute Technology which later developed into\r\nUniversity Technology MARA (UITM). Another affirmative policy\r\nis providing the Malay with the privilege to access jobs, housing\r\nand land in the country’s new industrial land area.\r\nThe enormous impact of the affirmative policy led to the\r\nthriving educated professionals among the Malays. They generally occupy the positions in the state bureaucracy and other state\r\nbusiness institutions. The process of strengthening the political\r\npolicy of the state in accommodating the political aspirations of\r\nthe Malays created an equal stake between the state and the Malay’s\r\npolitical vision.. A clear example is evident from the fact that there\r\nwere, new policies made such as the first industrial master plan\r\n1 and 2 to the policy of the National Development Plan (NDP)\r\nand Malaysia Multimedia Super Corridor and Vision 2020 (MSC).\r\nHowever, the current challenge to face is how to thrive the economy\r\nof the country amidst the dynamics of the global economy which\r\nhas a direct impact and puts much pressureon the Malay’s economy.\r\nThe various subsidized reductions and other economic accessibility\r\nlimitation has led to economic pressures for the Malay middle-class\r\nMuslims who previously depended themselves on the state support.\r\nThe state policies that are increasingly adapt to market mechanisms,\r\nespecially by way of subsidy reduction has made the middle class\r\nMalay Muslims now suffer and struggle.\r\nIn regard to religious expression in the public sphere, the\r\nstate’s policy of shaping a shar’i modern lifestyle is also highly\r\ninfluenced by state political policy, such as the establishment of\r\nJAKIM although the desire to consume Islamic ideas is has been\r\ngrowing in the community, both in the fashion world and other\r\nmodern lifestyle accessories. Similarly, the middle class Muslim play\r\na significant role in developing Islamic philanthropy to help other\r\ndisadvantaged Muslim brothers, as did Syed Mokhtar al Buchori\r\nthrough the Al-Bukhary Foundation that helps so many Mosques\r\nand Schools.\r\nOn the other hand, when it comes to Muslims in Thailand, it is\r\napparent that they have been encountering vulnerable situation that\r\nrestrict them from growing independently despite the supporting\r\nmarket growth and other digital economic developments. Why\r\ndid it happen? It is primarily because Muslims in this country are in minority position under unstable political configuration.\r\nThe military still dominated civilian politics. Such conditions\r\nimpede Muslim political positions such as in the Patani, Yala and\r\nNarathiwa Provinces which are suffering from critical situation.\r\nThe government prefers to use security approach than the welfare\r\napproach. Under military political pressure, it is difficult for the\r\neconomy to grow and flourish in these three predominantly Muslim\r\nprovinces. The emergence of the Muslim middle class is also\r\nconstrained by tight political control, which automatically limits\r\nthe economic opportunities that bring prosperity.\r\nHowever, in the case of Muslims in Nakhon Si Thammarat\r\nprovince, Bangkok’s soft power politics policy can provide wider\r\naccess for Muslims in access to education, banking, employment\r\nand other economic opportunities. This condition is very promising\r\nfor the growth of middle class Muslims in this province. Halal\r\nfood products are increasingly widespread in modern markets.\r\nMulticultural atmosphere makes the city more alive. This condition\r\ncan certainly draw the dynamics of the economy and pave way for\r\nthe prosperity which ultimately leads to the growth of the Muslim\r\nmiddle class."^^ . "2017-12-01" . . . "-" . "Cet-2" . . "9786026733280" . . "Institute of Southeast Asian Islam (ISAIs) Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University"^^ . . "Institute of Southeast Asian Islam (ISAIs) Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University"^^ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "Bayu Mitra Adhyatma"^^ . "Kusuma"^^ . "Bayu Mitra Adhyatma Kusuma"^^ . . "Abd Aziz"^^ . "Faiz"^^ . "Abd Aziz Faiz"^^ . . "."^^ . "Suhadi"^^ . ". Suhadi"^^ . . "M. Ali"^^ . "Usman"^^ . "M. Ali Usman"^^ . . "Wiwin S. Aminah"^^ . "Rohmawati"^^ . "Wiwin S. Aminah Rohmawati"^^ . . "Abdur"^^ . "ROZAKI"^^ . "Abdur ROZAKI"^^ . . "Wening"^^ . "Fikriyati"^^ . "Wening Fikriyati"^^ . . . . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (Image)"^^ . . . . "Sampul Rozaki, dkk - The Trajectory of Middle Class Muslim in Southeast Asia (Cetakan Kedua).jpg"^^ . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (Archive)"^^ . . . . "2. Rozaki, dkk - The Trajectory of Middle Class Muslim in Southeast Asia (Cetakan Kedua).pdf"^^ . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (Other)"^^ . . . . . . "indexcodes.txt"^^ . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (Other)"^^ . . . . . . "lightbox.jpg"^^ . . . "THE TRAJECTORY OF MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM\r\nIN SOUTHEAST ASIA:\r\nReligious Expression in the Public Sphere of\r\nIndonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (Other)"^^ . . . . . . "preview.jpg"^^ . . . 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