MEMPEREBUTKAN RUANG PUBLIK : GERAKAN PEREMPUAN DAN PEMBERLAKUAN SYARIAT ISLAM DI ACEH 2005-2019

Sri Roviana, MA, NIM.: 1430017003 (2021) MEMPEREBUTKAN RUANG PUBLIK : GERAKAN PEREMPUAN DAN PEMBERLAKUAN SYARIAT ISLAM DI ACEH 2005-2019. Doctoral thesis, SUNAN KALIJAGA YOGYAKARTA.

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Abstract

There has been a change in religious thoughts and attitude in Aceh since the tsunami catastrophe 2005. Tsunami was regarded a nature’s rebuke for long-lasting conflict occurrence in Aceh. The people, who had been busy with separatism conflict before the disaster, were herded to be adherence to worship and to textual religious teachings. While the society was busy with post-tsunami social reconstruction and rehabilitation, GAM won a political support from national and local elite politicians and wilayatul hisbah. The enforcement of Sharia of Islam led to a religious-norm orderly society, but left women in subordination, marginalization, and domesticity. This dissertation attempts to answer three questions. First, how has sharia of Islam been implemented in Aceh? Second, why do woman activists fight for public room? Third, what movements have woman activists made to gain public room? The research used the theory of public room scramble by Jurgen Habermas, symbolic power, more specifically on social capital, from Pierre Bourdieu, woman activist movement counteract hidden transcript introduced by James C. Scott. A theory on woman agency in a collective action from Maud L. Eduards was also in use. This qualitative study also employed sociology politics approach. Data were obtained through desk (literature) study, field observation, interview with expert sources and woman movement activists within and outside Aceh. The study discovered that the power of Aceh woman movement lay in the existence of Islam spirit in public. To wrest public room, activists built local, national, and international social networks, reproduced knowledge of civil rights, empowered religion discourse, and strengthened economy. Male perspective power and authority inducing the public room to discriminate females were, among others, a ban on horse-riding-like seating on a motorcycle, a prohibition against marriageable male-female meeting, and a limitation of woman leaders. Homes, not public rooms, were the place tor Aceh women, as constructed by conservative ulama. This made women subject to economic, social, cultural, and political marginalization. The patriarchal public room scramble to be gender fair involved two-party competition: Islam progressive forces like Muhammadiyah, NU, and woman movement activists against conservative ones represented by salafus salih and salafi wahabi. A serious problem of the movement arises as the empowerment turns into a competition for economic access. The coalition of the movements also contributes the ineffectiveness. However, the public room scramble reaches a success when activists gain sustainable collaborations in responding woman-related problems such as marginalization, subordination, violence, unfairness, human rights violence, and politic participation.

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